by Lex Talionis *
14 April 2003
Now that the neoconservatives in the White House are gloating about how successful the war in Iraq has been
prosecuted, we need to ask a completely legitimate and pertinent question: will we liberate the Palestinians?
The Administration's argument that force was necessary to disarm
Iraq has always been weak and disingenuous. Now that the United States
has invaded and essentially taken over Iraq, the Potomac Waltz has already
begun.
Suddenly, it's not really about finding weapons of mass destruction
but rather the liberation of the long
suffering Iraqi people. Now we can all rest better that America launched
a war based solely on moral grounds and not for the reasons everyone
could have sworn was the case: disarmament, and most importantly, terrorism.
The absence thus far of weapons of mass destruction should be used as a battering ram by war opponents but
not before asking the next logical question: if we went in to free the Iraqis from a horrible dictator, why will we not
use our considerable power to liberate the Middle East's other oppressed people, the Palestinians?
For over thirty years, the Palestinians have lived their lives as wretched beggars: stateless within their own
land and in perpetual conflict with their overlords, the Israelis. They have been forced to live in humiliation and
degradation -- their lives made more miserable with check points, limited movement, and an economy
totally dependent on Israel and subject to further disarray in times of renewed violence.
The leadership of the Palestinians -- set up with such fanfare and hope less than 10 years ago -- has also proven
to be lacking. Corruption, vice and intimidation have not advanced the Palestinian national cause any more than
acts of horrific violence carried out by militant groups. Yassir Arafat, whose name will be on any final agreement
document with the Israelis no matter what the latter wants or claims, has proven a better political survivor than
statesman. His virtual lock on everything has stalled the peace process as much as Israeli's continued occupation
and degradation of Palestine. The recent appointment of a prime minister is a step in the right direction -- provided
of course the new position can act without having to be blocked by an aging man who still thinks he should be
firmly in control.
With much prodding by British Prime Minister Tony Blair, George W.
Bush spoke in grandiose terms about the much vaunted "road map" for peace
between Palestinians and Israelis, though he offered nothing concrete (and
certainly nothing that the so-called Quartet hasn't seen before)
and has promised that the war in Iraq would pave the way for peace in Palestine.
But why not apply the same logic of the Iraqi Expedition to the situation
in Palestine?
The Arab Middle East sees the Israeli-Palestinian issue as the number one issue in the region: not Saddam
Hussein and his weapons of vaporware, not the mullahs in Iran or the ulemah in Saudi Arabia or Pakistan. Arabs
see the violence in Palestine and wonder why no one is doing anything to help the Palestinians. Arabs see
Palestinians being killed on a daily basis, houses blown up and Israelis confiscating more and more land. For
the Arabs in general, land grabs and increased settlements are illegal and obstacles to peace, making
a viable Palestinian state less and less obvious. From their perspective, an independent Palestinian state in the
West Bank and Gaza Strip represents only 30% of historic Palestine -- a raw deal made even worse with continued
settlement expansion that chips away at the notion of territorial contiguity. Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's
recent indication that Israel has made "suggestions" about the terms of the road map only confirms that any
agreement would not be based on mutuality, but rather on conditions that give Israel the edge.
The Arabs believe that the United States is the only country in the world that can leverage Israel fully. They also
believe that the United States is uncritical and blindly supportive of the Jewish State which puts them on the horns
of a dilemma that is not easy to resolve: they need us but don't want us, and they don't want to need us.
But there might be an opportunity to assert moral leverage on the
Bush Administration, now that it is in the liberation business. If you are
going to free the Iraqis, why not the Palestinians? Pro-Israel hawks will
immediately
insist the situations are totally different, but on the broad level,
how? Both people have been suffering for decades and are decidedly powerless.
If the Bush Administration insists that the Palestinians must renounce and
stop
all the violence, isn't the same as telling the Iraqis: "Get rid of your weapons
of mass destruction and then we'll go in and liberate you?" Rousseau once
stated that you sometimes have to force people to be free, so why not help
the powerless Palestinians by giving them something more tangible than road
maps to peace? Why not impose
a Palestinian state from above, seeing as that it cannot grow from
below?
If someone says that Israel is a sovereign country and the United
States could not go in and create the independent state of Palestine by pure
fiat, simply point out the Iraqi Expedition. Are not we going in and imposing
a new
government and form of societal structure by fiat? Are we not doing
it in the name of the freedom of the Iraqi people? The last time anyone checked,
the Iraqis did not invite us into their country, but we're there and in control.
The corporate-owned media in the United States has sold the invasion
to a gullible public under the rubric of
freeing the Iraqis from a hated dictator, why not carry that moral
mission to its logical next step and save the Palestinians from their hated
occupiers?
If the United States would use its power to impose an agreement on the Israelis and the Palestinians, it would
in one fell swoop ease the tension that the Arabs feel about the United States. They would mistrust the motives
of the US but a concrete action that weighed the dignity and humanity of the Palestinians against those of the
Israelis would be interpreted as the most significant step to managing the conflict. The United States cannot
say it's an honest broker and expect everyone to take its word for it -- it must do something powerful and significant
to prove its commitment to peace.
Unwittingly, the neoconservatives have given plenty of ammunition
to make the moral case for liberating the Palestinians next. They
have embarked us on a road of nation-building and should be held responsible
for
seeing it through consistently. It is only logical and imperative
that we liberate the Palestinians next. Dumping Saddam Hussein will
not diminish terror because the Middle East does not care about him, but
they do care
about
the Palestinians and their suffering. A stateless, powerless people
against a nation with one of the region's best- trained and most
powerful army is begging for the United States to come in and save them.
Let's just see if we have the wherewithal to do it.
|