On the Antiquity of the Dreaming (not!)
We all know that the Dreaming represents the
world's oldest living culture. The continuity of the Dreaming, and its
unchanging nature, are staples of writing about Aboriginal culture, at least in
the popular press, and to some extent even in the books that fill shelves in the
Aboriginal art section of bookstores in state galleries. The very antiquity of
the Dreaming contributes much to its perceived worth, to the sense that there is
a core of values that indigenous Australians have managed to preserve for
millennia. All this stands in stark contrast to our own "Western Civilization,"
which seems to have been leaking spiritual value faster than the Danaid's
jars.But, really, how ancient is the
Dreaming? According to one recently published monograph, not very. In a form
that resembles what we know as the Dreamtime today, it has been around not
40,000 years, but more like 4,000. And in some locations far less time than
that.This is the somewhat surprising
thesis of a new monograph I've been reading in the past couple of weeks:
Landscapes, Rock-Art, and the Dreaming: an archaeology of
preunderstanding, by Bruno David
(Leicester University Press, 2002). If you're intrigued, head for your local
library: the price tag on this 200 page publication is
$150.00!The book is divided into two
parts, and the more scintillating theses are presented in the first half. David
examines three sites for archaeological evidence that points to changes in
material culture that reflect changes in social organization. He contends
(quite convincingly, I think) that the Dreaming is the mechanism by which
indigenous people organized themselves in relation to country and its resources,
as well as to the other people around them. He posits that since these visible
changes in the archaeological record reflect changing concepts of social
organization, we can in a sense see the Dreaming as a "dynamic and emergent
process" that we can date using proven archaeological methods.
His first example comes from a large
mountain called Ngarrabullgan, which lies about 100 km northwest of Cairns. In
Dreamtime stories that have been documented during the 20th century, this
mountain is known as the abode of terrible monsters and its upper reaches are
strictly avoided, even though much of the surrounding countryside is shows
evidence of continuing
habitation.David examines rock
shelters and other sites that show evidence of use both on and off
Ngarrabullgan. Sites in the surrounding countryside show evidence of a long
history of continual use into the "ethnographic" Dreaming (the period covering
white contact). But excavations on the top of the mountain show almost complete
abandonment by about 600 years ago. In David's argument, this desertion of the
mountain reflects or implies the emergence of Dreaming stories about Eekoo, the
devil that resides there.Obviously,
this connection cannot be absolutely substantiated in any way, but his
interpretation of the evidence in Queensland is bolstered by evidence from other
sites across the country.His second
example comes from Arrernte country in Central Australia, where large ritual
gatherings focused on the Native Cat Dreaming at Therreyerete were documented at
the turn of the 20th century by Baldwin Spencer and Frank Gillen. These rituals
involved the migration of large numbers of people--perhaps 400 all told--to a
concentrated area. Much of the time, the men were dependent on seed cakes for
sustenance, and David looks at the archaeological remains of food processing
sites to date the beginnings of the use of this area for ritual gatherings to
about 1400 years ago at the earliest. Although this is the main thrust of his
argument and evidence in Arrernte country, he does extensively survey the
general area to support his contention that intensive use of the country dates
back to about 1400 BP (Before
Present).Here in Central Australia the
link between the Dreaming and the archaeological evidence is stronger than it
was on Cape York because there is documented ritual activity in historic times
that produces the same sort of material record in the stratigraphy of the site
over the centuries. David's final
example comes from Wardaman country southwest of Katherine and west of Daly
Waters. Here the "modern" Dreaming story tells of the Lightning Brothers and
how the handsome younger brother stole the wife of his ugly older brother and
precipitated an epic battle whose scars still mark the land today. Here in the
Top End David has the most direct and obvious link between the Dreaming story
and the material record in the paintings of the Lightning Brothers in rock
shelters.I was curious how this
episode would work out: how do archaeologists date rock art that has been
constantly repainted and cared for over centuries? The answer was, to me,
surprising and simple. From the first appearance of rock art at a site, there
is a certain amount of debris from the painting process, be it leftover lumps of
ochre, or flakes of paint that fall off the wall onto the ground in the rock
shelter. Over time, as dirt and debris generally gathers at a site, and the
level of the floor in the shelter grows higher, more evidence of painting
activity accumulates. By excavating the cave floors down to a level where this
ochre debris is no longer found and achieving a dating for that level of the
stratigraphy, one can infer the time at which the first art appeared on the
walls. In this area, art begins to appear widely at around 1400 BP (or 600 A.D.
in non-archeologist reckoning), that is, at about the same time as evidence of
large gatherings, presumably for ritual purposes appears in the Central
Desert.The second half of the
book deals less directly with evidence of the Dreaming, but rather is devoted to
a survey of selected archaeological evidence for the emergence of intensive use
of the land. Beginning between 4800 and 3500 BP, the archaeological record
reveals significant changes in material culture, most particularly in the use of
new types of tools. Starting around 3500 BP, there is an intensification of
activity at sites that have been sparsely or infrequently inhabited previously,
and spreading evidence of the use of lands that were formerly only marginal,
such as offshore islands or wetlands. At about the same time occurs the
earliest evidence for the use of millstones to grind seed and its adoption as a
staple in the diet. This occurred at a seemingly late date of around 3500 BP in
wetter climates, and about 1400 BP in the desert, and suggests an increase in
population. As people developed new relationships to the land, their social and
spatial organization became reflected in what we now know as the Dreaming.
After about 1400 BP, population and land use seem to have remained fairly
constant until European contact 200 years
ago.The earliest archaeological
evidence presented that can be clearly linked to Dreamtime stories known to
present day Aboriginal people dates from about 1400 years ago in Wardaman and
Arrernte country, and about 600 years ago in the southern area of Cape York.
David does admit, but does not discuss, some evidence of earlier links between
archaeological sites and Dreaming stories in Arnhem Land that are significantly
older--going back to perhaps 9500 BP. David's fieldwork has been located
primarily in northern Queensland, and most of the evidence presented in the book
comes from the region west of Cairns. And while I don't think that the omission
of earlier evidence from Arnhem Land fully undermines the book's argument, I
can't but wish that he had extended his research and surveys to include
it.David clearly has an agenda here:
to debunk the claims of great antiquity and continuity made for the Dreaming.
This may seem strange at first in one who is so clearly sympathetic to
indigenous people and who has devoted his life to the study of their culture.
At times as I was reading the book I found myself asking "What does this really
tell me about the Dreamtime?" Why should I care? I think there are good
answers to those questions, but they deserve an entry in their own right. I
want to start fresh when I try to present those arguments.
Posted: Fri - September 23, 2005 at 10:47 PM
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A collection of personal reflections and readings on the art of the indigenous people of Australia, their culture, anthropological studies, the art market, and whatever else strays across the cultural horizon.
If you don't wish to leave comments on the blog itself please fee free to contact me directly. Will Owen
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Published On: Jul 22, 2007 09:19 AM
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