Strong Law in the Desert
The Bidyadanga painters are in the news again,
with Patrick Hutchings' review of the new show by Weaver Jack and Jan
Billycan at William Mora. Hutchings reiterates the stories
of the loss of water in the desert that drove the Yulparitja coastwards in the
1960s. A a couple of weeks ago, Nicolas Rothwell had similarly written about
Emily Rohr's search for the stories underlying paintings from Bidyadanga, a
subject that I took up in "Matters of Representation." The stories in
both Rothwell's and Hutchings' articles brought home to me the extent of the
upheavals suffered by people who must, for whatever reason, abandon their
homelands, and reminded me of similar stories I had heard about troubles in
Pintupi country in the 1980s. These tales offer me an occasion for a meditation
on loss.In his article, Hutchings
profiles one of the youngest of the painters from Bidyadanga, Daniel Walbidi,
whose recent paintings of the wasp ancestor are also stories of the great
drought that beset the Yulparitja in the 1960s. Walbidi is an extraordinarily
talented and daring young man who is in his early twenties. He seems intent on
exploring as many styles as possible for representing the stories he learned
from his grandparents. The variety of his experiments is dazzling; I sometimes
wonder if in the very breadth of his stylistic exercises he is trying, almost
desperately, to capture the whole spectrum of Yulparitja culture. I have no
doubt that, after he burns through this period of apprenticeship he is in midst
of, he will emerge as one of the strongest of the Bidyadanga painters. He is
also a comfortable speaker of English, and this past August I had the
opportunity, with Rohr's assistance, to explore with him the stories behind
several of his paintings. (A solo show of Walbidi's paintings will open at
Mora's at the end of May.)One of
Walbidi's paintings, done in the hot desert palette of red, yellow, black and
white, shows two human-like figures, a #7 boomerang, and a long, sinuous line
that probably represents the country's sacred watersnakes. Its story concerns
an old woman known as
Paleny,
or "bad woman," who travelled around the country making trouble, stealing and
killing young children, especially young boys. She created an accomplice called
Kulpanya,
who helped her kill people. Finally all the people in the area got together and
made the ground open up. They threw her in the chasm and then quickly closed it
up again. As Daniel finished telling the story, Emily remarked that the people
had such amazing powers in the old days. Daniel looked up quickly, almost
startled, and said, "Still do. Those people down south in the desert got strong
power." Emily asked if Daniel thought he might ever learn to have such power.
With a hint of what looked like embarrassment, he replied, "Oh no, we don't
believe in those stories any more, we're Christians now," adding that "the old
ways hurt people, revenge." The
references in Rothwell's article to the period of "fighting, rivalry, and social
disruption" that followed the desiccation of the Yulparitja homelands reminded
me of Daniel's final assessment. The violence and hurt of the separation from
country also brought to my mind another set of stories from another part of the
desert, related to me by Fred Myers on the occasion of our first meeting a few
years back.In 1984, when the "lost
tribe," the Pintupi mob that included the Tjapaltjarri brothers Warlimpirrnga,
Walala, and Thomas, came out of the desert, Fred had been flown in by the
Australian government to help mediate the encounter. The government, for its
part, was concerned about the physical welfare of the newcomers. Their presence
on the edge of the settled desert west of Kiwirrkura and their status as the
final holdouts, the last "wild tribe" left in the country without contact with
white civilization, was already the subject of much noise in the media. The
government wanted to make sure the new mob were given access to proper health
care in the wake of being exposed to the coughs and colds (and more) in
Kiwirrkura; the Pintupi were mindful of how many new arrivals from the desert
had died at Papunya two decades earlier and reluctant to let the white doctors
have another go at their people. But
it wasn't just the encounter between the lost tribe and the white men that was
fraught. The Kiwirrkura mob was decidedly uneasy about the appearance of these
relatives whom they hadn't seen in many years. Both groups were aware of the
other's presence in the general vicinity of Kiwirrkura; there had been smokes
and signs for weeks prior to "first contact." One day, "naked Pintupi" from the
desert suddenly appeared near an outstation camp, terrifying its residents.
Pinta Pinta Tjapanangka was so unnerved that he let off a shotgun blast into the
air, whereupon the new mob disappeared back into the desert for several
days.The Kiwirrkura mob had a number
of things to be worried about. For starters, one of the women from the desert
mob had been promised as a wife to one of the senior Kiwirrkura men, and he had
decided to stake his claim when they showed up. No one knew how this was going
to be received. And a long time before, a young woman had left the nomadic
group and walked in to Balgo, where she had been residing for over twenty years.
Her "desertion" of her family in the desert was likely to provoke an unhappy
family reunion.So the Kiwirrkura mob
was uneasy because they suspected (rightly) that the desert mob would be angry
at being abandoned by their relatives who had left the desert two decades before
and never come back to look for them. Nor had they been back to look after
their country far out west. The Kiwirrkura mob knew that their long removal
from country had seriously weakened them, and that the desert mob would still be
full of strong magic. They feared the consequences of that uneven mastery of
power. The reunion, then, was not unalloyed joy; there was a great deal of
tension, and a few incidents of violence as well, as claims and counterclaims
were negotiated among the relatives so long
separated.The experience of the
Pintupi and the Yulparitja offers some striking parallels in their expressions
of belief in the in the power that comes from close contact with country, and
the sense of loss stronger than a wistful longing that accompanies removal, be
it forced or "voluntary." It is a belief that runs deep. It is a power that
commands both respect and fear, and it is directly tied to living on ancestral
land and following the old ways.
Somehow, I had always interpreted
Aboriginal sorrow for country as a variety of homesickness, a nostalgia (which
is Greek for, roughly, "aching to return"). These stories have added a depth of
understanding for me. There is a loss, not just of the familiar, but of some
fundamental natural and native force. The old people and the desert mob have a
strength that those whose ties to their homelands are severed feel they have
lost. They are diminished; it is no wonder that they mourn. I'm not sure even
now, mobile American that I am, happily living hundreds of miles from the place
I grew up, that I can fully appreciate the loss of self and power these people
experience. I don't think Daniel Walbidi was truly disavowing belief in the
power of the old people, but rather in his expectation of ever sharing in it. I
can not really comprehend such a loss, and the violence to one's self that it
entails.
Posted: Sun - April 16, 2006 at 08:40 AM
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A collection of personal reflections and readings on the art of the indigenous people of Australia, their culture, anthropological studies, the art market, and whatever else strays across the cultural horizon.
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Published On: Jul 22, 2007 09:19 AM
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