X marks the spot
The following chapters are a descriptive account of various regions of Singapore. As mentioned earlier, I have opted to use the URA's division of the island into five main regions. This is to better facilitate comparison with other texts, as and when they are published.
The URA in its 1991 document 'Living the Next Lap - Towards a Tropical City of Excellence' projected Singapore's land use development in terms of three landmark years, namely AD 2000, 2010 and the so-called 'Year X'.
Year X is when the population of Singapore reaches four million (in 1998, it was estimated at 3.89 million, of whom 3.22 million were citizens and Permanent Residents). A population of four million is seen by the government as optimal for Singapore because it is at this level when our economic resources will be fully utilized.
A doomsday prophet
This concept of optimum population is nothing new. As long ago as 1798, the economist Thomas Malthus [?] proposed a model of population growth based on the feedback mechanisms of famine and overcrowding. He stated that these two feedbacks would bring population numbers back into line with the carrying capacity [?], which is the ability of the local environment [?] to support them. For example, an increase in population may mean less food per individual, more a higher death rate, and a subsequent fall in numbers.
The main tenet of the Malthusian model is that population tends to increase geometrically while food sources only increase arithmetically. Given these assumptions, any rate of population increase will eventually outstrip food supply. When population growth reached this point, it would be reduced by war, famine and / or birth control.

Source: Federal Publications (1992)
The Malthusian model however came under heavy criticism because, even assuming its fundamental assumptions were valid, it did not take into consideration technological change. Technological change is of paramount importance in such models because, as any student of economics will tell you, it redefines the model's parameters. In other words, that which was once impossible becomes possible. Because of the inherent difficulties in predicting technological change, and because of its dubious fundamental assumptions in the first place, the Malthusian model is much flawed.
Golden girls
A term which you may have heard or read about in the mass media is 'Singapore's greying population'. This is a reference to the increasing proportion of elderly Singaporeans. In fact, we have Asia's fastest ageing population. For instance, while today only 6.5 percent of the population is over sixty-five, by 2030, it is projected that a quarter of Singapore's population will be over sixty years old. Each aged person will then be supported by only 2.2 working people on average. Today, our old age dependency ratio [?] is 1 : 8.6.
Put another way, it will take only twenty-one years from now for the proportion of those aged sixty-five and above to double, compared to the twenty-six years it took Japan (between 1970 and 1996) and the 115 years it took France. This phenomenon has resulted first because fertility rates [?] have been declining since the mid-sixties (for reasons which are given below), and second because of the increasing life expectancy [?] of Singaporeans. The latter is seventy-four years at birth for males, seventy-nine years for females, while the fertility rate is presently 1.7 children per woman. This compares to the replacement level [?] of 2.1. Infant mortality is only 3.8 per thousand-live-births.
Geriatricians classify the aged into two groups: the young-old (aged between sixty to seventy-five years) require social programmes, health screenings and check-ups (for diabetes and hypertension, for example); the old-old are often home- or bed-bound, whose earlier ailments may have made them less mobile.
To cater for the varying needs of the elderly, research into geriatric medicine will increase, more daycare centres for the elderly will be built, and befrienders (volunteers who visit to keep the elderly company), rehabilitation centres, nursing homes, home-help, hospices (for the terminally ill) and retirement villages in housing estates will be increasingly needed.
Proximity to such facilities is vital because sometimes the elderly are so tired after walking to a centre, they fall asleep and do not get the rehabilitation they need. In the retirement villages, it is envisaged that residents will share common services such as cleaning, laundry, meals and enjoy social activities together.
Singapore's first retirement village will most likely be built at Upper Bukit Timah by the Salvation Army at a cost of $200 million. Ready by 1998, it will feature a gerontology clinic, single and adjoining apartments, hydrotherapy and a nursing home.
Also opening that year will be Singapore's first home for those suffering from senile dementia. This will have small, self-enclosed units, so that residents will find it easier to be familiar with their surroundings. There will also be a computerised monitoring system to alert care-givers to residents who get lost in the home. The home will take in 210 residents and have a day-care service for fifty patients.
Two years later, elderly Singaporeans who already live in public housing will be given the opportunity to take thirty-year leases on studio apartments. These apartments will come with elderly-friendly features such as as lever taps, pedestal toilets, support hand-bars, large electrical switches, emergency alarm cords and non-slip floor tiles. This scheme would allow the elderly to enjoy the capital gains from selling off their larger apartments and live together with their peers in the same block.
Stop at two?
There was a time when Singapore's population worries were very different. In 1966, the Singapore Family Planning and Population Board (SFPPB) was set up. One of its primary aims was to reduce Singapore's birth rate from thirty per thousand to seventeen per thousand (Singapore's birth rate in 1994 was 16.9 per thousand). Abortion and sterilisation were legalised in 1970. Priority registration for primary schools was given to children whose parents had been sterilised. On the other hand, the tax allowance for children was withdrawn for large families.
In August 1983, the 'graduate mothers' scheme was introduced, not only because few female graduates were marrying, but also because those who were marrying, often had only one child. This is because the average age at which women generally first get married in Singapore is twenty-seven (that for men is thirty), compared to only twenty-four in 1968. Graduate mothers who had a third child were given a $10000 reduction in taxable income. Having achieved its aims, the SFPPB was closed in 1985.
The 'Stop-at-Two' policy was so successful that in March 1987, it was reversed in two ways. First, tax rebates were given to encourage parents to have bigger families. For example, parents of a newborn third child were granted a maximum rebate of $20000 spread over five years. Second, because women now comprise nearly forty percent of our workforce, working mothers enjoyed a further rebate of fifteen percent of their income. They could also take advantage of a four-year no-pay-leave for child care, and apply for part-time employment in the public sector if their children were below six years old.
It can thus be seen that over time, Singapore's age-structure changes. These changes can be measured by comparing population pyramids [?], which are graphs of the age- and sex-structure of a population at any one time. Of course, population pyramids can vary from region to region too, and that is why at the beginning of each of the next four chapters, I include pyramids for each region of Singapore.
SBS, MRT, COE ...
How might Singapore cope with a population of four million? One way is of course through improvements in land transport. Our 3006 kilometres of roads now take up eleven percent of Singapore's land area, which is about as much as housing does. But there is a limit to how many more roads we can build, as we will still need land [?] for housing, schools, offices, parks and gardens.
One of the earliest schemes to limit traffic congestion was the Area Licensing Scheme, which was implemented in June 1975, together with car pooling. Originally designed to regulate traffic flow during peak hours, the scheme was extended to last the whole day from January 1994. This was because average vehicle speeds during the unrestricted hours had dropped to as low as twenty kilometres per hour. The following year saw the introduction of Road Pricing along the East Coast Parkway, (ECP) which by 1997 had reduced morning peak-hour traffic by forty percent. In May 1997, Road Pricing will be extended to the Central Expressway and the Pan-Island Expressway.