Iran's victory revealed in Iraq election
FOR the Bush White House, the good news from Iraq
just never stops. But the joy that President Bush has expressed over the
country's latest election, though more restrained than his infamous "Mission
Accomplished" speech, will similarly come back to haunt him.
Soon after Bush spoke of the Iraqi election as "a
landmark day in the history of liberty," early returns representing 90 percent
of the ballots cast in the Iraq election established that the clear winners were
Shiite and Sunni religious parties not the least bit interested in Western-style
democracy or individual freedom -- including such extremists as Muqtada al-Sadr,
whose fanatical followers have fought pitched battles with U.S.
troops.
The silver lining, of course, is that the
election did see broad participation, if not particularly clean execution. And
because all of the leading parties say they want the United States to leave on a
clear and public time line, this should provide adequate cover for a staged but
complete withdrawal from a sovereign country that we had no right to invade in
the first place.
What we will leave behind, after hundreds of
billions of dollars and tens of thousands of lost lives, will be a long ways
from the neoconservative fantasy of creating a compliant democracy in the heart
of the Middle East. It is absurd for Bush to assert that the election "means
that America has an ally of growing strength in the fight against terror,"
ignoring how he has "lost" Iraq to the influence and model of "Axis of Evil"
Iran. Tehran's rogue regime, which has bedeviled every U.S. president since
Jimmy Carter, now looms larger than ever over the region and most definitely
over its oil. "Iran wins big in Iraq's election," reads an Asia Times headline,
speaking a truth that American policy makers and much of the media is bent on
ignoring: "The Shiite religious coalition, the United Iraqi Alliance (UIA), not
only held together, but also can be expected to dominate the new 275-member
National Assembly for the next four years," the paper predicts based on the
returns to date. "Former premier Ayad Allawi's prospects of leading the new
government seem virtually nil. And Ahmed Chalabi's Iraqi National Accord
suffered a shattering defeat."
Allawi and Chalabi are the Iraqi exiles and U.S.
intelligence "assets" who played such a huge role in getting the United States
into this war. Chalabi, in particular, will go down in history as one of the
great con artists of all time, managing to feed phony intelligence to the White
House, the New York Times and countless other power players who found his lies
convenient for one reason or another. Now, despite -- or, more likely, because
of -- their long stints on the U.S. payroll, both of these wannabe George
Washingtons have been overwhelmingly rejected by their countrymen. Chalabi, long
the darling of the Pentagon, seems headed to obtaining less than 1 percent of
the vote nationwide and will fail to win his own seat. Allawi's slate, favored
more by the CIA, will end up in the low teens. As much as one should despise the
role played by those two men in getting us into this mess, their abject failure
is not a good thing for they carried the banner of a more modern and secular
Iraq, which is essential to peace and human rights progress. But the Iraqi
people will have to come to that truth on their own and not as a result of
foreign intervention that only fuels the most irrational political and religious
forces. Unfortunately, it is hardly an advertisement for our democratic way of
life that the American people were so easily deceived as to the reasons for this
war. Or that our president resists the condemnation of torture, renders captured
prisoners to be interrogated in the savage prisons of Uzbekistan and Syria, and
claims an unrestrained right to spy on U.S. citizens.
Nor does it help that this president is so publicly
bent on intruding government-imposed religious values into American civil life,
while urging secular tolerance upon the Islamic world. Or that he remains so
blind to the reality of life in that world that he still does not grasp that
Saddam Hussein and Osama bin Laden were on opposite sides of the enormous
struggle over the primacy of religion in the Arab world. Iraq, for all of its
massive deficiencies, was not a center of religious fanaticism before the U.S.
invasion, and the Islamic fanatics that are the president's sworn enemy in the
so-called "war on terror" did not have a foothold in the country. Now, primitive
religious fundamentalism forms the dominant political culture in Iraq and the
best outcome for U.S. policy is the hope that Shiite and Sunni fanatics can
check each other long enough for the United States to beat a credible retreat
and call it a victory, albeit a pyrrhic one.
E-mail rscheer@truthdig.com
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©2005
San Francisco Chronicle
Posted: Fri - December
23, 2005 at 02:57 PM