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One day at the Concord Free Public Library, I was looking at the original 1852-1853 Thoreau draft survey of the Humphrey Hunt lot in Easterbrooks Country. I noticed that, at the very bottom left edge, Thoreau had inconspicuously penciled a quote. When deciphered, it read as follows: "Upernavik, the most northerly inhabited spot upon the globe." |
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Where in the world was Upernavik? And why might Thoreau have had such a quotation on his mind -- and write it inconspicuously on this draft survey?The first question was straightforward to answer. A gazetteer told me that Upernavik was a small trading outpost on the west coast of Greenland. Then I learned that it had been often the last provisioning stop for, and sometimes the salvation of, Arctic whalers and explorers. Though I have not yet located the source of the quotation, it is not unusual to see Upernavik referred to in the literature of Arctic exploration as Greenland's (and even the Earth's) most northern permanent settlement. For example, an encyclopedia that Thoreau had used noted that "Upernamick [sic][is] the most northern settlement." Encycl. Americana, v. VI, p. 52,1831. And one explorer wrote, "Upernavik is not less the limit of safe navigation than the remotest bound of civilized existence" (Isaac Hayes, Open Polar Sea, New York, 1867).
Why might Thoreau have had Upernavik on his mind? First, a word about the surveyit was icy weather at New Year's time in 1852-53 when Thoreau made repeated surveying trips to the loneliest edge of his Easterbrooks Country.The lot was the 17th-century Humphrey Hunt Wood and Pasture Land. It was a long, irregular lot running from now-Hutchins Pond to near the Kibbe Place. The area was probably largely unsurveyed, and Thoreau labored over this interesting and meticulous draft survey.
Thus, part of the explanation may be straightforward: Estabrook Country's icy wildness may simply have reminded Thoreau of another far-away icy quest, and, for him, Estabrook was the "globe itself, here named pasture" (X:159, Nov. 3, 1857). Earlier that year, Thoreau had been absorbed by reports of the search for the explorer Sir John Franklin. Franklin had been the latest to undertake the three-hundred-year quest for the Northwest Passage and for the Open Polar Sea. These were the fabled, all-season, open-water routes supposedly linking England across the Canadian Arctic to the riches of the Pacific and even to circumnavigation via the North Pole. But after leaving Upernavik in 1845, Franklin and his men had disappeared.
During the next fifteen years, no less than forty rescue expeditions from both Britain and America would search beyond this edge of the known world to learn Franklin's fate--and perhaps to claim for themselves the glory of discovery of the Northwest Passage. The newspapers eagerly reported any news. (The Franklin expedition's lingering doom, which probably included cannibalism, did not become known until 1859.) Allusions to the Arctic and even to Franklin himself are in Thoreau's published writings both before and after 1852. These allusions can be seen, for example, in A Winter Walk, Natural History of Massachusetts, Walden, and the Journal. Though none of these writings mentions Upernavik, Thoreau used the Arctic winter landscape as a metaphor to connect Concord with the world of physical danger and human aspiration. He also saw how the migrations of birds made a swift biological link between Concord's life and Arctic landscapes. A view of North America from space links both the Humphrey Hunt lot in Easterbrooks Country (west of Cape Cod, which is just visible in the aerial) and Upernavik (in western Greenland). Franklin sailed west across Baffin Bay and disappeared up Lancaster Sound, a presumed gate to the Northwest Passage. The English explorer and admiral, Sherard Osborn, whose book on the first Franklin search Thoreau had been reading earlier in 1852, vividly stated the case for secular courage as his own searching expedition passed beyond Upernavik:
Thoreau made a metaphorical connection between the North's secular explorers and his own spiritual quest. For example, in the "Conclusion" chapter of Walden, he makes his own explicit and personal connection to the quest for the Northwest Passage :
And in a wonderful journal entry made in 1852, a few months prior to the Hunt survey, he uses the metaphor of places beyond Upernavik to state his life's searchto connect the figurative Bering Straight (off Alaska) and the figurative Lancaster Sound (off Greenland) of thought by traversing the unknown between them and finding the dreamt-of Open Polar Sea, through which mariners (and philosophers!) would sail unimpeded. He writes,
Thoreau recited these evocative place names beyond Upernavik as if they were litany, for each place had been only just discovered by a brave explorer and named after himself, his prince or patron. Naming was an act of significance on many levels; it was not only an act of a discoverer, possessor, or myth creator, it also would bestow a sort of earthly immortality. Thoreau made up his own names for places in the Concord landscape, for, as Channing would later say, "He was compelled to name places for himself, like all fresh explorers" (Channing, 1873, p. 17). In fact, on the draft Hunt survey, Thoreau did name a place. In the middle, he scrawled "Yellow Birch Swamp." And Thoreau wrote in his journal that he had named this mysterious spot of Earth:
Was it this act of naming that led Thoreau to add the quotation about the last outpost Upernavik on this draft survey? He could have been reminding himself that surveying in the icy wilds of the desolate Hunt lot was itself an exploration and a quest. In an 1860 letter to H.G.O. Blake, Thoreau makes this quest for the unexplored as central to being human:
Is there any other explanation that could have led Thoreau to write this quotation about Upernavik on this survey and in such an odd marginal location? (The Upernavik quotation is inconspicuously scrawled in the extreme lower left corner.) One could ask what, for Thoreau, would have been Estabrook's (or Concord's) Upernavik-- i.e., figuratively, its last inhabited spot before the wild? He was still writing Walden, so was this note an author's reminder to himself? Perhaps he thought to link the metaphorical Upernavik to his wintertime house at Walden Pond, from which he ventured forth into a landscape that he would sometimes call Arctic. And, finally, there may have been a more literal connection to the Walden house. At the time of the survey, the ex-Walden house had been sitting for four years beside the old Estabrook road nearby. After Thoreau left Walden Pond, a local farmer's son had moved Thoreau's former house to the Estabrook country as his own cabin (though it may have been vacated by the time of the Hunt survey). In fact, the relocated Walden house would have been the closest structure to the notation's location, three hundred yards off the lower left edge of the draft Hunt survey. Did he muse, as he left cold Easterbrooks Country at dusk, that his former Walden house had been his personal Upernavik?
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| Note: A corrected location for the Thoreau's Yellow Birch Swamp: Thoreau on this draft Hunt survey first names and plots the Yellow Birch Swamp. Later maps by others, however, place it at different locations. Click here for information. (Source: material for notes on Upernavik and Yellow Birch Swamp was in part included in The Seasons in Estabrook Country, pp. 82-3.) | |
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