I love robbing poor widows and orphans
Mike P, from the Man of the House blog, was the
direct impetus for me to start writing this blog. So, it is with respect that I
venture forth to call him to the carpet for a recent
post... The theme of this particular blog entry was that intelligent
discourse was missing from America's politics, and I won't argue that point. But
in arguing this, Mike said the
following:I have been fairly
liberal since I was in high school. However I find myself liking some of the
changes Georgy porgy is pushing during his second term. I love the social
security reform. I get to control the growth of my money? That
rocks!Mike is buying into one of the key
thrusts of President Bush's salesmanship, namely that initiating private
accounts as an arm of Social Security encourages an "ownership society." The
other element Bush is pushing for, by which he attempts to lend an air of
urgency, is that there is a "crisis" in Social Security that needs to be fixed
this year, and that privatization will do the
job.I believe that Bush's Social
Security direction is flat wrong, for the following
reasons:1) There is no
crisis.2) Social Security was never intended
to be an investment engine. It is a security mechanism, so the elderly are not
destitute.3) The transition to private
accounts will endanger Social Security, rather than address core
issues.4) This is a heartless attempt on the
part of Republicans to break a key entitlement program and therefore further
erode the power of the Democratic
Party.More on each point after the
jump...
What
crisis?From this
CNN article dated Jan 17
2005:The President last week
surrounded himself with citizens ranging from children to an 80-year-old and
warned that the Social Security system will be "flat bust, bankrupt" by the time
workers in their 20s retire. As early as 2018, Bush said, "you're either going
to have to raise the taxes of people or reduce the
benefits."Really? The following is copied
from a report compiled by the Democratic Staff of the Committee on Ways and
Means:The CBO
[Congressional Budget Office]
projections confirm the
actuary’s findings that there is no crisis in Social Security, and that
we are decades away from experiencing shortfalls in the program. The CBO
report, in combination with the annual reports of the Trustees, continues a
decade-long trend of stability and even improvement in the long-range forecast.
Here are the three key dates:
• The year that interest
on the Trust Funds’ assets is first tapped to supplement tax revenues in
order to pay for benefits: CBO estimates 2019, the Trustees estimate 2018.
However, the Trust Funds will continue to run annual surpluses for another two
decades. • The year
that the bonds held in the Trust Funds begin to be redeemed to supplement
payroll taxes in order to pay for benefits: CBO estimates 2033, the Trustees
project 2028. • The
year that the Trust Funds’ reserves are fully drawn down: CBO projects
2052, a full ten years longer than the Trustees’ 2042 date. Note that this
does not mean that benefits can no longer be paid, however. Social Security
will continue to receive payroll tax contributions. These will be sufficient to
pay about 80 percent of benefits due in years following 2052, according to CBO;
the Trustees estimate that ongoing revenues can finance about 70 percent of
benefits due. Furthermore, economist
Paul Krugman has the following to say
on the topic:You've been sold a
scare story. Right now Social Security has a large and growing trust fund -- a
surplus that has been collected to pay for the surge in benefits we'll
experience when the baby boomers start to retire. If you're twenty now, you'll
be hitting retirement around 2052. That's the year the Congressional Budget
Office says the trust fund will run out. In fact, many economists say it may
never run out. If the economy continues to grow at an average rate, the trust
fund could quite possibly last
forever.What happens if the trust fund
does, in fact, run out in 2052? How will we continue to provide for retirees?
There are a number of available options aside from private
accounts:- Raising the retirement age
slightly. As Americans have longer life expectancies, it makes sense to revisit
the retirement age.- Raising the cap on
payroll taxes. Many Americans make more than $88,000 per year, but no income
above that level is taxed for Social Security purposes. this would be the
easiest way to maintain solvency, and remain true to Social Security's intended
aim, to provide for America's poor elderly.-
Begin to use "means testing" so that people to ensure a minimum standard of
living for retirees, but to decrease the amount of Social Security entitlement
provided to those who are already well-off.-
Tie increases in benefits to increases in the cost of goods instead of to the
rate of increase in salaries. The Wal-Mart effect means that if we made this
change, retirees could maintain their purchasing power, but benefits would not
increase as rapidly as they have been in the recent
past.I get to control the
money I put into Social Security??
Cool!Who wouldn't get excited at the
thought of being able to control the funds they contribute to Social Security,
and to get a better return than what one would expect if privatization did not
occur? Me, for one.Social Security was
intended to provide a social safety net for the elderly, to reduce the
population of elderly who are living in poverty. How well has it worked?
According to this
article in the New York Times Sunday March 6 2005 ("Who Wins in a New
Social Security?"):According to
government figures, old-age poverty has dropped from about 50 percent in the
1930's to around 10 percent today. Most of the credit goes to Social
Security.Franklin D. Roosevelt said at the
time:"We can never
insure 100 percent of the population against 100 percent of the hazards and
vicissitudes of life, but we have tried to frame a law which will give some
measure of protection to the average citizen and to his family against the loss
of a job and against poverty-ridden old
age."What Bush is proposing is
essentially a big 401K investment scheme. What's wrong with that? We all like
401Ks, right? Sure, but we already have access to invest in 401Ks. They serve
completely different goals. I invest in my 401K to take the steps in my power to
ensure a comfortable retirement. I like contributing to Social Security because
it not only guarantees me a minimum standard of living in my retirement (and
also guarantees that my daughter and wife will be provided for if I am killed or
disabled), but it ensures that minimum standard of living for everybody who
contributes to it. Further quote from the NY
Times:Social Security uses
taxes from the rich to bolster the retirement income of the poor through a
benefit scale that now replaces about 60 percent of preretirement earnings for
low-income workers but only 30 percent for the workers in the highest earning
band.It should be noted that not every
worker will be able to retire during a bull market. Today, there is some
balance, because even in a bear market, retirees whose investment portfolios are
underperforming still receive acceptable Social Security entitlements. If Social
Security is privatized, that safety balance
disappears.Who is most likely to fare
poorly under a privatization scheme? The poorest and least educated of America's
workers. Workers who do not have the education to research investment engines
and make informed decisions on their own. Workers whose union representation has
been eviscerated by years of Republican rule and therefore do not have the
amount of leisure time to study investment options to the same degree that
wealthier workers do.If we can
all pretend there's a crisis, privatization will fix it,
right?In a word, no. The president
hand-picked a Social Security Commission in 2001, the findings of which will
probably form the underpinnings of Bush's proposals. The text below is copied
from a separate report compiled by the Democratic Staff of the Committee on Ways
and Means:The plan would divert
one-third of a worker’s Social Security contributions to private
accounts, cut Social Security benefits for all future beneficiaries
(whether or not they have an account), with additional cuts for those who
sign up for an account.
Here are the specific effects
of the commission’s plan:
• $2.2 trillion is
drained from the Trust Funds in just the next 10 years. Described as
“transition costs,” proponents fail to mention that the transition
lasts for half a century. $2.2 trillion is drained from the Trust Funds in
just the first decade of the plan’s operation -- but the losses
continue forever. •
Benefits to current Social Security recipients could NOT be paid in full.
Diverting one-third of workers’ Social Security contributions into private
account blows a hole in the Trust Funds. This directly threatens our ability to
pay current retirees.•
Financial condition of Social Security is WORSENED, not improved. The Trust
Fund reserves will be exhausted by 2021 – two decades sooner than
projected under current law .
• National debt would
explode. The plan relies heavily on deficit-financing to make up the loss to the
Trust Funds. The President’s own 2004 Economic Report forecast that, under
the commission plan, the debt will be higher for 60 years. At its peak, this
additional debt caused by privatization would equal 24 percent of GDP.
To return to Rolling Stone's interview
with Krugman:What do
you mean? Those who are pushing privatization say that our financial markets are
one of our greatest strengths -- that private investment will work better in the
long run than government-managed accounts with lower rates of
return.There are two
problems with that. First, the fees charged on private accounts will be a
significant drain on returns. In a typical portfolio, we're probably looking at
a return of four percent. But fees are likely to take at least one percent, like
they do in Britain. So now we're down to a return of three percent or less on
private accounts. And since Bush wants to borrow $2 trillion to pay for the
transition, we're talking about borrowing at interest rates of three percent to
establish private accounts that will yield three percent -- with a lot of
additional risk. So it's a lose-lose proposition, except for the mutual-fund
industry.The second
problem with the market is that some people -- probably many people -- will end
up getting much less than they would have under the current system, depending on
which funds they pick and how the market does. A lot of people will hit age
sixty-five with very little in their private account -- and that means a big
return of poverty among the elderly, which is exactly what's happening in
Britain right now. As a result, the government will have to step back in and
rescue people. We'll have more suffering and bigger bills. People will ask:
Where did all that money go? The answer will be: It basically went into
mutual-fund
fees.But what if
stocks do well? Isn't it possible that privatization would
work?The only
possible way that stock returns can be high enough to make privatization work is
if the U.S. economy grows at three to four percent a year for the next fifty
years. But Social Security's own trustees expect the economy's growth rate to
slow to 1.8 percent. If that happens -- if their own assumptions are correct --
then privatization would be a disaster. And if that doesn't happen -- if the
economy continues to grow at a steady rate -- then the trust fund is good for
the rest of the century, and we don't need
privatization.So why is Bush
pushing for an initiative that won't achieve either of its stated aims and that
his own party is scared shitless of?To
further marginalize the Democrats. If the Democrats can not protect their weak
constituency's interests in this showdown, they will have an even weaker base in
future years. Keep in mind that despite McCain-Feingold, politics is centered on
money. These proposals will hit Democrats' base in their pocketbook, limiting
their ability to elect the losers who could not keep them from getting
steamrolled.Again, Krugman says it
excellently:So if
there's no crisis in Social Security, why is President Bush pushing so hard to
privatize it?It's
politics. Since the days of Barry Goldwater, the Republican right has really
wanted to dismantle Social Security. And now they have a degree of political
dominance that lets them push it to the top of the agenda -- even though no
rational analysis of the actual problems facing the U.S. government would say
that it belongs
there.Why do they
want to dismantle
it?It's hard to
understand why anyone would want to return us to the days before the New Deal,
when millions of elderly people lived in poverty. But if you really dislike the
notion that the government provides a safety net for the poor, then Social
Security is the prime target. The U.S. government is a big insurance company,
with a side business in national security. Social Security is the biggest
social-insurance program that we have. It's been highly successful, and it's
extremely popular. It's one of the things that makes people feel somewhat good
about government -- and so, therefore, it must
go.The president and his party are
telling us that Social Security is in crisis and they can fix it. It is
worthwhile to note that these are the same people who rushed us into a war
because Iraq's government had Weapons of Mass Destruction. Oh wait, our bad. No
WMD after all. And they are the same forces who pushed through a tax reduction
program to permanently shoot the government's budgetary surplus in the
ass.I have attached the two reports I
referenced, compiled by the Democratic Staff of the Committee on Ways and Means.
I also recommend you go to thereisnocrisis.com, which is
also linked as a blogroll for this site.
The Consequences of Social Security Privatization.pdf
Financial Outlook for Social Security.pdf
Posted: Mon - March 7, 2005 at 10:36 PM
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Published On: Mar 07, 2005 11:28 PM
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