A note on the Bamberger Gunthertuch
Paul Stephenson
The Gunthertuch, a Byzantine silk now housed in the treasury of Bamberg Cathedral, was discovered, during restoration work on 22 December 1830, in the grave of Gunther, Bishop of Bamberg (1057-65). Bishop Gunther had acquired the silk in Constantinople during the great pilgrimage of 1064-5, on which he died (23 July 1065). He may have worn it during his trek through Palestine, where he attracted the attention of robbers because of his ostentatious display of wealth. The silk shows an emperor wearing the stemma and carrying the labarum, mounted on a white horse. He is flanked by two women wearing walled crowns: these are clearly tychai who personify cities. The tychai have bare feet, since they, and the citizens they represent, are the emperor’s douloi. They wear ankle-length transparent gowns, over which are worn opaque coloured tunics in blue (left) and green (right). The colours of their tunics are all that distinguish the tychai, who are mirror images of each other, except for the tokens they offer the emperor: she on the right offers what appears to be a stemma (this part of the silk is badly damaged), and she on the left a crested crown, a tiara or toupha. The classic interpretation of the silk, its production and meaning, like that of Basil’s psalter illumination, was provided by A. Grabar, who maintained that it, like the illumination, should be associated with Basil II’s celebrations following his victory in Bulgaria. Until recently this attribution seemed certain. However, in 1993 G. Prinzing (“Das Bamberger Gunthertuch in neuer Sicht,” Byzantinoslavica 54, 218-31) advanced a compelling alternative: he associated the production of the Gunthertuch with the victory celebrations held to mark John Tzimiskes’ victory over the Rus and Bulgarians in 971. It is always tricky to associate objects with specific events, and wise art historians would counsel against it. However, historians love events, and are always seeking to illuminate them to the fullest. With that in mind, I offer a summary of Prinzing's findings, and some further observations.
Upon his reentry into the city, the emperor Tzimiskes enjoyed his splendid triumphal
victory celebrations. Leo the Deacon and Skylitzes provide interlocking, if
contradictory, accounts of the celebrations, and provide the crux of Prinzing’s
argument. According to Leo, Tzimiskes rode a white horse behind a wagon containing
an icon of the Virgin and the Bulgarian imperial regalia, in particular two
crowns. Behind the emperor rode Boris, the deposed Bulgarian tsar. Upon reaching
the Forum of Constantine, the emperor was acclaimed before Boris was symbolically
divested of his imperial regalia. Then the procession moved on to Hagia Sophia
where Boris’ imperial crown was given to God, and the former tsar was
given the Byzantine rank of magistros. Thus, his authority and the symbols of
it were absorbed within the imperial hierarchy, and the independent realm of
Bulgaria was absorbed into the Byzantine oikoumene. Although several details
in Leo the Deacon’s account are ignored or contradicted by Skylitzes,
three points are certain. First, John Tzimiskes rode a white horse during the
procession. Second, the Bulgarian imperial regalia played a central role in
the triumphal ceremony, and this contained two crowns. Third, both authors explicitly
state that the second crown was a tiara, which as we have already seen is identical
with the toupha. The Gunthertuch shows a triumphant emperor sitting astride
a white horse being handed two crowns: one (mostly lost) a stemma, the other
a tiara or toupha.
A further subject of considerable importance is the identity of the two tychai,
that is the identity of the cities they personify, who are shown handing the
emperor the two crowns. Schramm, and afterwards Déer, saw the tychai
as personifying the Old and New Romes. Grabar argued for the personification
of Constantinople and Athens, where Basil II celebrated his two victories; a
solution which need no longer detain us. Prinzing, suggested that both tychai
represent only Constantinople, and more particularly the two political factions,
the Blues and the Greens, who would have acclaimed the victorious emperor, Tzimiskes,
upon his entry into the city. It is indeed striking that the two tychai are
identical, and wear similar robes, one blue and the other green. Still, Prinzing
invites further comment, and it strikes me that we can find an additional solution
to the identification of the two tychai in the accounts of Tzimiskes’
Bulgarian campaigns offered by Leo the Deacon and Skylitzes. The figures may
represent the two principal Bulgarian strongholds, Preslav and Dristra, the
capture of which ensured Tzimiskes’ victory over the Rus and annexation
of Bulgaria. Preslav was the capital of the Bulgarian realm, where dwelt the
Bulgarian tsar. However, the fate of Bulgaria lay with Dristra, where the Rus
under Svyatoslav had established control, and Tzimiskes therefore laid a siege.
Leo the Deacon and Skylitzes provide detailed accounts of the fight for Dristra,
which show remarkable similarities. It seems that both authors have drawn from
a common source, perhaps an official account of the episode which was produced
for Tzimiskes on his triumphant return to Constantinople. Leo, writing shortly
after the events he decribes, places greater emphasis on Tzimiskes’ abilities
as a general, recounting how he rallied his troops after the heroic death of
a certain Anemas, and personally led a renewed assault on the Rus. Skylitzes
omits the emperor’s final charge, but emulates Leo in recounting how suddenly
a wind storm, divinely-inspired, heralded the appearance of St. Theodore the
Stratelate mounted on a white steed. This deus ex machina signals the defeat
of the Rus, and brings an end to the narrative for both Leo and Skylitzes. The
appearance of the martyr, and consequent victory, confirmed the legitimacy of
Tzimiskes’ protracted campaign in Bulgaria, and was seen to absolve him
for his role in the murder of his predecessor, the emperor Nikephoros Phokas.
God was on Tzimiskes’ side.
To mark his victory Tzimiskes revived the Roman practice of renaming cities:
Preslav was renamed Ioannoupolis, after the emperor himself. Lead seals discovered
during excavations in Preslav prove that the city thus renamed was placed
under the command of Katakalon protospatharios and strategos. Furthermore,
a second city was renamed Theodoroupolis, and we have the seal of a certain
Sisinios who was appointed as strategos. The identification of Theodoroupolis
has been debated, but given the location of the miracle it seems likely that
we can trust Leo the Deacon, who states plainly that it was Dristra. The
act of renaming cities confirms that Tzimiskes had determined to use his
victory to maximum political advantage in Constantinople. His victory in
Bulgaria, and in particular the divine intervention, confirmed his legitimacy.
It is possible that the tychai in the silk, produced to mark this victory,
personified the two principal cities captured and renamed during the victorious
campaign: Preslav-Ioannoupolis, and Dristra-Theodoroupolis. This is merely
possible. Ultimately, however, it is impossible to identify the exact occasion
for which the silk was made.
Paul Stephenson, February 2004; revised December 2006