Free Press Releases
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June 7th, 2004
Reagan's Politics of Passion
by John Nichols (The Nation)Rest assured that the radical reworking
of history that America witnessed in the hours
after Ronald Reagan died Saturday at age 93 will
be temporary. While the over-the-top media
coverage and official commentary regarding the
40th President's passing has made him out to be
such a noble figure that otherwise rational
people have been heard to suggest that Reagan was
the greatest president of the twentieth century,
it will not take long for a balancing to begin.
In short order, the assessments of Reagan the
man, and of his tenure in the Oval Office, will
be tempered.
Then, conservatives and
liberals will be free to consider ths
ideologically-driven--and misguided--President's
record with eyes wide open.
For now, however, realism is in
short supply--much to the detriment of not just
of the historical record but of Reagan's memory.
All of a sudden, the man who
redirected tens of billions of dollars away from
domestic needs to build up the largest nuclear
arsenel on the planet, ran up record deficits,
saw members of his Administration investigated
and indicted at a staggering rate and, himself,
came close to being impeached for allowing aides
to create a shadow government that peddled
weapons to sworn enemies of the United States and
used the profits to fund illegal wars in Central
America was remade as a statesman who restored
dignity and direction to his country.
While no one should begrudge
Reagan's admirers this opportunity to replay
those "morning in America" commercials
that were deployed with such success during the
last of their man's fourth runs for the
presidency, it is a bit embarrassing to watch
pundits and pols who know better embracing the
spin.
The problem with all this hero
worship is that the spin underestimates and
mischaracterizes Reagan. It reduces a complex and
controversial man to a blurry icon with few of
the rough edges that made him one of the most
remarkable political figures of his time.
That he was remarkable does not
mean that he was right. Most of what Reagan did
during two terms as governor of California and
two terms as president can most charitably be
described as "misguided." Aside from
his support for abortion rights during his
governorship, and his opposition to anti-gay
initiatives in California during the late 1970s,
Reagan displayed an amazing ability to place
himself on the wrong side of the issues--and of
history.
Yet, there is something that
liberals can--and should--learn from Reagan.
Ronald Reagan was a master
politician who understood how to package
rightwing ideas in appealing enough forms to get
himself elected and, sometimes, to implement his
programs. Even when Americans did not like the
ideas Reagan was peddling--as in 1984, when polls
showed Democrat Walter Mondale's ideas were
significantly more popular--they liked Reagan.
Throughout his career, Reagan benefitted from the
penchant of Americans to embrace politicians who
seem to be at ease with their ideology. This
sense that true believers are genuine creates
confidence in citizens, lending itself to lines
like, "Even if you disagree with him, you
know where he stands." And such lines
translate on election day into votes that
frequently cross ideological and partisan lines.
Reagan connected as a
conservative by displaying an optimism about his
ideology and its potential that most
right-leaning politicians before him had lacked.
And that optimism transformed the conservative
movement from a petty circle of grumbling cynics
who believed that every glass was half empty--and
probably poisoned--into energetic and, dare it be
said, happy warriors on behalf of tax cuts,
ever-more-expensive weapons systems, corporate
welfare, privatization, deregulation and the
blurring of lines between church and state.
In the years after Republican
right-winger Barry Goldwater's landslide loss of
the 1964 presidential election, many
conservatives had doubts about whether they would
ever be able to peddle their programs
successfully. But Reagan did not doubt. He
believed. And his faith was infectious. It helped
him beat a liberal Democratic governor of
California in 1966 and a moderate Democratic
president in 1980. And it permitted a new
generation of conservatives to feel they were
part of a movement with not just principles but
with a future.
As that movement grasped its
future, during Reagan's presidency and in its
aftermath, liberals--particularly those working
within the constraints of the Democratic
Party--began to be the ones who entertained
doubts. Many Democrats gave up altogether on the
liberal values that had carried that party to its
greatest successes, and moved to the right. It
was a tragic error, for which the Democratic
party continues to pay.
The lesson to be learned from
Reagan is not an ideological one. His ideology
was wrong for America and wrong for the
world--something even Reagan sometimes
recognized, as when he backed away from the most
extreme tenets of the conservative agenda to, for
instance, defend Social Security, and when he
finally agreed, at the behest of Margaret
Thatcher, to negotiate with reformist Soviet
leader Mikhail Gorbachev.
Rather, the lesson to be
learned from Reagan is a stylistic one. He loved
preaching his conservative doctrines. And he
loved battling with liberals at the ballot box,
at the debate podium and in the Capitol. He was a
conservative first, a Republican second. He
showed no respect for party decorum, challenging
a sitting Republican president--Gerald Ford--who
he felt was too moderate. And he was willing to
lose on principle, whether in that 1976
nomination fight with Ford or, during his
presidential terms, in fights with Congress over
tax policy, foreign affairs or nominations to the
U.S. Supreme Court.
Just imagine if Bill Clinton
had been as committed to advancing an activist
liberal ideology as Reagan was to his
conservative agenda. America might have a
national health care plan today. Labor law reform
could have been a reality, rather than an empty
promise. The United States would certainly have a
more progressive judiciary. And here's another
notion: If Clinton or Al Gore had put as much
energy and enthusiasm into educating Americans
about and promoting a liberal agenda as Reagan
did for his conservative ideals, the United
States would today have a different Congress and
president.
This willingness to fight so
fearlessly and forcefully for his political faith
is what made the 40th president remarkable. It is
what inspired conservatives. And it is the one
thing that liberals would do well to learn from
Ronald Reagan.
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