Why Third Parties Don’t Win Elections
We hear it again and again in the news:
voters are unhappy with Democrats and Republicans, approval of both major
parties is in the dumps and there’s a general dislike for the status quo.
So this year, more than any other, I want to give voters the low-down on why the
status quo is going to stay the same. Sadly, whether you like it or not.
It’s a problem that we’ve only recently become aware of with some
regularity thanks to the decrentralization of the Internet: the system is rigged
this way.
You see, the truth is that even as more
and more independent candidates are being fielded for office each year, the
number of them actually being elected has remained relatively flat (that’s
not to say it never happens, but that it’s just so rare that it’s
relatively unnoticeable). I’ve decided it’s in everyone’s
political best interests to identify and break down these walls that have been
erected by both incumbents and an apathetic media for third parties in this
country. Here’s my rough take on what these are (in order of apparent
priority):
• Restrictive ballot
access laws
If a major party
candidate can keep rivals off the ballot, they can then ignore those
voter’s concerns without fear of losing (especially if their
major party rival does the same). Ignoring contrarian viewpoints has
traditionally been a cornerstone of repressive government. Fair and equal ballot
access reform should be a priority for all third parties and anyone interested
in true political reform. Third parties largely need to move on from this issue
if their only contention is that they aren’t recognized as a party, but
their candidates have the same signature requirements as major
parties.
•
• Lackluster media
coverage
Traditionally, third
party candidates have to sell their ideas much harder than their major party
rivals because media organizations typically don’t find anything
newsworthy about them (unless they are beating the voter disaffection
drum and pretending to care). Sadly, this directly translates into
lost votes since an uninformed voter will not vote for a candidate they have
heard little or nothing about. Whether this is intentional slighting on the part
of some media outlets or just laziness in covering politics is debatable. The
most-covered independent campaigns are typically ones that field either a
star/celebrity candidate (Kinky Friedman anyone?) or use novel approaches (read:
publicity
stunts) to force their way into the public eye.
•
• Fundraising and
volunteers
This deserves to go
after the media coverage, because while a campaign is usually small when
it’s starting, the coverage of the campaign is what drives informed voters
to begin financially supporting and volunteering for a campaign. Once the media
coverage is triggered, a campaign can typically sustain it’s momentum
through increased news generation, campaign events and fundraisers.
• Inclusive
polling
Many pollsters will
often lump all third parties into “other” categories or not include
them at all. Unfortunately, without the aforementioned media coverage, when they
are included they often fall into the 2% margins which can harm campaigns even
more than not being included. One way that third parties can attack this issue
is by openly criticizing the pollsters who are not inclusive and paying for their own
push polls to publicize themselves further. Another method is to sue
state-funded university pollsters and take the case to a federal
level.
•
• Debating major
candidates
The bar has been set
excruciatingly high for third parties, with organizations like the League of
Women’s voters demanding 10-15% polling. This will never happen until the
conditions above are met. Presidential candidates Michael Badnarik (L) and
David Cobb (G) were arrested while trying to serve papers to cease the
debates in 2004, but in reality it was little more than a variation of the
publicity stunt angle, which paid off poorly for them to actually be in the
debate, though it did help their publicity substantially (at least on the
Internet).
•
• Election day (voting
methods)
This is the last
hurdle for third parties, and is often the most difficult. While many argue for
a reform to Condorcet or
IRV (Instant Runoff
Voting), the reality is that those are both methods that are meant to
short-circuit all the problems above. While logically we should be able to vote
for candidates in order of ranked preference, it shouldn’t matter unless
the race is a three-way extremely tight one. Personally, I would like to see
this stay the last priority for third parties, since it’s not bound to
change the outcome if their candidates remain unknown because of the walls
stated before.
•
I won’t bore you with a lot of
speculation on how these can all be miraculously fixed overnight, because the
truth is we’re probably looking at a tough decade of electoral reform in
fifty different wars for us to even have just a slim super-minority of
candidates in federal office. I don’t look at our battles from an
ideological presentation standpoint, because I truly don’t think that
what’s been holding third parties back (Libertarian especially) is bad
reception of the platform, or the pledge, or whatever.
I’m sure some people are always going
to look at third parties and sniff their noses at one or two issues, leaving
reformers and purists to duke it out amongst each other because they think
that’s why they keep losing races. But in reality, it’s
not.
The article is unfair to the
League of Women Voters. In about half the states, the League has sponsored
televised debates for Governor and US Senator and invited everyone on the
November ballot. The 15% rule is from the Commission on Presidential Debates,
not the League of Women Voters.
I have to disagree on factual grounds here.
I’m not sure which states Winger has info on where the LWV invites every
valid candidate, but back in 2004 in California they told U.S. Senate candidate
Jim Gray to talk
to the hand even after sponsoring his own poll through Rasmussen that
got him 8% (the 3% MOE put him over their 10% entry barrier). Recently here in
Ohio, gubernatorial candidate Bill Peirce recently
got dissed because he needs to poll… drumroll please…
15%.
Update:
Richard Winger writes back:
I only know about statewide
offices. In 1994, Leagues invited at least some of the third party candidates
for Governor and US Senator into their debates, in Alaska, Arizona, Colorado,
Connecticut, Hawaii, Idaho, Maine, New Hampshire, Oklahoma, Oregon,
Pennsylvania, South Dakota (those were gubernatorial debates); Delaware,
Michigan, Missouri, Ohio, Virginia, Wyoming (those were US Senate debates), and
US House-at-large, Montana and Vermont. When a state had two offices, I
didn’t list the state twice.
It seems LWV requirements vary state by
state. Plainly speaking, they should just invite everyone who’s on the
ballot, otherwise it’s another uneccessary hurdle. They’ve actually
raised
their requirements in the past when pressured by Ds & Rs, so
don’t act surprised if a third party sues them over their non-profit
status requiring them to be non-partisan one day soon… and
wins.
Update:
Richard Shepard sent a link to his
recent article on third parties at Tacoma, Washington’s paper
— The News Tribune. There’s an interesting statistic he cites from
Pew Research:
We have ample evidence the
two-party system is not meeting Americans’ needs. Polls reveal a steady
decline in voter participation, a lack of trust in government, and a desire for
alternatives.
A Pew Research Center report,
“In Search of Ideologues in America,” identifies four political
philosophies of government. Roughly 33 percent of the public falls into the
well-known “liberal” or “conservative” philosophical
camps. Another 25 percent agrees with the lesser-known “libertarian”
or “populist” philosophies even though they do not self-identify
that way.
It seems out of the three biggest
parties/ideologies, we’re all in the polling minority. Sobering, but it
gives ammo to the argument that we need more choice on the ballot and that the
media should be covering more than the two majors.
Posted: Thu - July 13, 2006 at 09:19 PM