It is a great privilege for me to address my fellow members of Torch on the twentieth anniversary of the founding of the Boca Raton Chapter of Torch International.

The thrust of my remarks tonight deals with humanity's lifelong quest to abolish WAR: to remove weapons of mass destruction from the face of this earth. Warfare and genocide must no longer be an acceptable means of conflict resolution! In the past, all efforts by social and political theorists, and by all religious groups, have failed to achieve this goal, and will continue to fail until the world community can bring itself to accept the concept of a supranational government based upon law and order and on the principles of federalism.

In an effort to clarify our understanding of this age-long dilemma, let me begin by stating three propositions that I believe are incontrovertible. First, there is no peace without justice; second, no justice without law; and third, no law without government. The very existence of our own government is based upon the concept of a democratically elected federal government based upon the consent of the governed. It is my intention tonight to make a case for a United States of the World; in short, to raise the idea of federalism to the international level.

That it will not be easy, is obvious. However, for Clark and Sohn, who have written extensively on this matter, it is not an unsurmountable task. The World Federalists are only trying to change the relationships between nations; they are not attempting to change their language, culture, or traditions. The challenge today is to find a system whereby all nations can live together in peace and security. World peace under world law is the answer. Today, our problem is to change the mindset of man, and this is difficult. No one has said it better than Albert Einstein when he said, "The bomb changed everything in the world except the mind of man." Abraham Lincoln expressed a similar sentiment when he said, "'The dogmas of the quiet past are no longer adequate to the stormy present; we must think anew, we must act anew." In short, we must change things. Federalists insist today that mankind can only survive under a system of international law and within a Federal form of government; one designed like our own United States of America.

Tonight, as I speak to you, all of us in this room accept the rule of law; we honor it here in Boca Raton, in Palm Beach County, in this State of Florida, and in our United States of America. While it is not perfect, it is so structured that it can be altered or modified as time requires. No one here tonight would elect to return to the days of the vigilantes. Today, one state does not go to war against another, but it takes its grievances to our law courts, and there our conflicts are resolved, and we abide by the courts' decisions. President Truman, upon returning from signing the Charter of the United Nations in October of 1945 in San Francisco said, "It will be just as easy for nations to get along in a republic of The world as it is for you to get along in the Republic of the United States. Now, when Kansas and Colorado have a quarrel over the water in the Arkansas River, they don't call out the National Guard and go to war over it. They bring a suit in the Supreme Court of the United States and abide by its decisions. There isn't a reason in the world why we can't do this internationally." This situation was not true in our country in the years from 1776 to 1787 when our thirteen States were loosely organized in a confederation where each state retained its absolute sovereignty and could declare war on its neighbor. There were actually two skirmishes between the states of Connecticut and Pennsylvania during this period of time. It was only in 1787 that our federal form of government was created and our thirteen states became truly united.

Tonight, I would like you to accompany me as I retrace the past eighty years of our country's history and take you back to the the time of World War I. Were time available, I would like to take you further back to the dawn of civilization, to "Biblical times", or to the past six thousand years of man's cultural evolution. Prior to that period, man was nomadic and lived the life of a hunter and gatherer. It was the advent of agriculture that enabled man to settle down in clans, tribes, villages, cities, states and nations.

As man formed larger and larger social groups, one phenomenon became apparent, and that was that warfare had become a part of man's history. Looking back, it is apparent that at no time in man's history has this globe been free of war. Today, no less than 32 wars are going on simultaneously and all dealing in death. If we were to solely look at the economic costs of wars past, present, and future, it would add further proof to the fact that man's chief occupation during these ages has been warfare.

Eighty years ago, our country was deeply involved in World War I, and our President, Woodrow Wilson, proposed the creation of a "League of Nations" based upon fourteen principles. These dealt with matters of cooperation among nations and was designed to avert future wars. It was a noble idea that unfortunately soon floundered on the reef of isolationism. Our Senate refused to join the League of Nations and insisted that we could not be a part of any organization that could tell us when and where we might have to fight a war. We insisted on going at it alone, to be our own policeman and fireman, and that our sovereignty could not be compromised. A sense of global consciousness had not developed at that time, and the world is different; we travel at mach speeds, our communication is instantaneous, and with satellites in the sky, no nation can hide.

"CNN" is virtually everywhere today, and there are few secrets among nations. Today, we are internationally minded, and we are more apt to accept the fact that if our neighbor's home is burning, it is our problem. After World War I, "reparations" and "disarmament" were the prime subjects for international discussion, and the idea of a union of nations gradually died. During this time, however, three nations rearmed: Germany, Italy and Japan, and, ultimately, World War II erupted. World War I, a war fought to end all Wars, had led directly to another great war and in the remarkably short period of time of only two decades!

After truce was declared at the conclusion of World War II, man began again to think of forming an international organization that might secure the peace for all mankind. At Yalta, Churchill, Roosevelt, and Stalin lent their support to such a concept, and the idea of the United Nations was born. It was so called because the allied nations had been united against the axis powers. Preliminary plans were drawn up in Dunbarton Oaks in Washington, D.C., in 1944, and a final draft was agreed upon in San Francisco in June of 1945. The Charter was finally ratified by our country and 51 nations on October 24, 1945, in San Francisco.

Today, in 1995, on the 50th anniversary of the United Nations, the world is reassessing the merits of the United Nations, and it is apparent that there have been some successes and some failures. On the negative side have been the major wars in Korea and Vietnam and the many minor conflicts going on all over the world.

On the positive side have been the many cease fire operations and peace keeping activities of the U.N. Of significance also is that the membership has grown three-fold to approximately 170 nations. Today, the U.N. is actively engaged in maintaining peace in over 24 nations over the globe! We can now ask the question: Is every thing all right with the United Nations? Obviously not, and that is the purpose for which I am on this podium tonight. These men and women, are working with, their own governments to bring about the acceptance of a world government. In the book, Planethood by Ferenez and Keyes, Winston Churchill is quoted as follows, "Unless some effective supranational government can be set up and finally brought into action, the prospects of peace and human progress are dark and doubtful." Today, as I travel, I carry two passports: my U S. passport and my Planetary Citizens Passport. It looks exactly like my U.S. passport. It contains my photo and there are spaces reserved for it to be stamped by each nation. Of great significance is that it contains the Preamble to the Charter of the United Nations, a magnificent statement.

The late Pope John XXIII in his Encyclical "Paccem en Terris" declared that humanity is a family, that all men and women are brothers and sisters, that all wars are civil wars, and that ail killing is fratricidal. With war, we are killing ourselves and our families. His approach to peace was on a purely moral basis. Unfortunately, more than this is necessary to achieve a peaceful world.

Today, we, World Federalists, are working to enhance the effectiveness of the United Nations and would do so by restructuring it. There was a time, however, when we felt a new organization might be required, such as "Parliament of Man", where all the peoples of the worlds would directly effect their representatives to their parliament. However, it seems to make more sense today to build upon what we already have, and to develop it into an effective world government rather than to start anew. As the United Nations exists today, China's and Albania's each having one vote is ridiculous! A Security Council with a veto, and without such powerful nations as Germany and Japan, is unworkable. The World Court needs to be modified, and an International Court of Criminal Justice seems merited. The International Police Force needs to be enlarged and given the forces necessary to carry out its job. Harold Stassen, the sole United States survivor among the framers of the Charter of the United Nations, has reminded us that the document in the beginning was never considered a complete or perfect document and that it will have to amended as time passes. He has reminded us also that since its origin, the Charter has not been modified in any significant way. It is very much like expecting a newborn infant to take on the problems it might confront in the next fifty years without ever being given the opportunity to grow up and mature. Recently, I have learned that he is publishing a book on the structural changes that will be required to transform the present United Nations into a workable government, and we, Federalists, are all looking forward to his suggestions and recommendations.

Behind me tonight is a banner showing the picture of our planet taken from outer space, and one of these banners hangs in every classroom in Canada. They serve to remind the children of Canada that this globe is all they have and that they must make every effort to preserve it. Hubert Humphrey, an ardent world federalist, said, "Forming a world federal government is like building a cathedral; it will require time."

Thomas Jefferson once said, "Rather than curse the darkness of ignorance, let us light a candle, and he who lights a candle from mine does not detract from my light but adds further illumination." Tonight, I would hope many of you would light a candle from mine. Dumas Malone, in a script called The Jeffersonian Heritage, has Thomas Jefferson speaking to us at its conclusion: "As I lie here beneath the sod of my beloved Virginia these past two hundred years, may I ask you, "What are you doing in your time?" It's his challenge to our generation.

As you leave tonight, I should like to present to all of you a copy of Planethood by Ferenez and Keyes. In it is contained the vision and the essence of World Federalism. Our only hope.

Thank you.

Charles E. Jacobson Jr., M.D.