Excellent question! Let's see what Michael Gerson comes up with for an answer.
In the backlash against President Bush's democracy agenda, conservatives are increasingly taking the lead.
Really?
It is inherently difficult for liberals to argue against the expansion of social and political liberalism in oppressive parts of the world -- though, in a fever of Bush hatred, they try their best.
I’m hard-pressed to recall just where this expansion has been taking place, what the Bush administration has to do with it, and what liberals have been trying their best to argue against it. Other than that, it’s a great point.
It is easier for traditional conservatives to be skeptical of this grand project, given their history of opposing all grand projects of radical change.
And they were, and they got kicked out the Republican Party and the Conservatism Movement for their troubles. It is quite illuminating watching these columnists suddenly decide conservatives need to, “get back to their roots” now that the whole transformative mission of Iraq that they supported and cheer-leaded for has turned into a clusterfuck.
A couple of paragraphs about how conservatives respect culture and tradition and resist utopian causes, and then this:
At the most basic level, the democracy agenda is not abstract at all. It is a determination to defend dissidents rotting in airless prisons, and people awaiting execution for adultery or homosexuality, and religious prisoners kept in shipping containers in the desert, and men and women abused and tortured in reeducation camps. It demands activism against sexual slavery, against honor killings, against genital mutilation and against the execution of children, out of the admittedly philosophic conviction that human beings are created in God's image and should not be oppressed or mutilated.
Of course, democracy itself means none of that. Democracy unrestrained usually means the tyranny of majority. It wasn’t that long ago that the US Supreme Court finally overturned sodomy laws because they were targeting homosexuals. And speaking of
reeducation camps . . . This is the democratic agenda liberals are having a hard time opposing?
The above is about protecting human rights, and while democracies tend to be better at that on the whole, at least in their home countries, the real requirement is rule of law, so that even a majority of the population cannot overturn protections granted to minorities. In other words, what the right like to call “activist judges”.
And the democracy agenda goes a step further. It argues that the most basic human rights will remain insecure as long as they are a gift or concession of the state -- that natural rights must ultimately be protected by self-government. And this ideology asserts that most people in all places, even the poor and oppressed, are capable of controlling their own affairs and determining their own rulers. If this abstract argument seems familiar, it should, because it is the argument of the American founding.
This actually sounds very much like the libertarian argument, and the argument that civil rights watchers have been making for the last six years as the Bush Administration has been doing its best to prove just how insecure those rights can be in a purported democracy.
America’s founders and others have warned about constant vigilance and an informed electorate, which today’s America finds itself sorely lacking.
From here, things get rather weird. Gerson goes on about slavery and moral absolutism. It’s hard to tell, but Gerson is apparently making the argument that allowing the traditional conservatives to warn off people like him from kicking open wasps nests like Iraq is bad because several centuries ago, other traditional conservatives defended slavery.
The unavoidable problem is this: Without moral absolutes, there is no way to determine which traditions are worth preserving and which should be overturned. Conservatism assumes and depends on an objective measure of right and wrong that skepticism cannot provide. Without a firm moral conviction that independence is superior to servitude, that freedom is superior to slavery, that the weak deserve special care and protection, the habit of conservatism is radically incomplete. In the absence of elevating ideals, it can become pessimistic and unambitious -- a morally indifferent preference for the status quo.
The argument here is near to the opposite of Machiavelli’s “ends justifying the means”, which would almost certainly be the argument if there were any ends worth mentioning. Here it’s that the people like those who turned Iraq into a maelstrom of death and destruction should be judged on their intentions rather than the results.
The traditional conservatives were “morally indifferent” because they didn’t want to go in and make Iraq better. You need people with a “firm moral conviction” to go out and make a difference.
Well, many do say that Bush has a firm moral conviction, and there is little question that he’s made a difference. Gerson and others with their good intentions paved the road to Baghdad and the result of that has been to link the city and country quite firmly to the other place that road is said to lead.